G1 is a Brazilian news portal website that is part of the Brazilian broadcast group “Globo” which is the most relevant free broadcast channel in Brazil. (Memoria Globo, 2022). The G1 website more specifically was launched in 2006, and it has established itself as a digital journalism leader it has consistently dominated news portal audiences in Brazil, boasting an impressive monthly reach of over 55 million users. (Vieira, 2015) 

G1 is based in Brazil and has headquarters in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, with an additional base in the capital of the country, Brasilia, since 2010, Globo's online news platform is guided by three core values: agility, credibility, and relevance. Covering a diverse range of topics such as Brazilian News, Economy, Politics, World News, Education, Science, Health, Technology, Pop Culture, and Art, G1 has evolved as a comprehensive source of information. (Sobre o G1, 2022) 

During the four-day period under analysis, four primary themes emerged in G1's coverage of the Israel-Hamas conflict: hostages and humanitarian crises, diplomatic efforts, global perspectives (including Brazil's role), and the direct and indirect consequences of the conflict itself. Notably, the initial four days of the analysis coincided with a truce between Israel and Hamas, scheduled to be concluded on the first day of analysis, Monday, 11/27, but it got extended until Friday, 12/01 when conflict resumed. The truce influenced the news focus, with heightened coverage of diplomatic initiatives involving key political figures globally. Because G1 is a Brazilian news source intended for the Brazilian audience specific attention was given to Brazil’s diplomatic involvement in the conflict. For example, the nation's chancellor participated in the UN Security Council meeting and engaged in discussions with Brazilian President Lula afterward. 

Other relevant figures from countries not directly involved in the war mentioned in the news coverage were the Pope and Ellon Musk. The billionaire was invited by Hamas to visit Gaza after the billionaire told Israel’s prime minister to be interested in participating in the “reconstruction of Gaza". Now, under the hostages and humanitarian crisis topic, the two other political figures often displayed in news coverage in the following days were President Biden and President Putin, both involved in the truce and hostages exchange negotiations. During the truce period, both presidents were quoted more often than Hamas and Israel leaders. Putin gave declarations about the Russian hostages liberated. On the other hand, Biden announced the humanitarian help that was sent to Gaza. During the truce, more than six groups of hostages were released by both sides of the conflict including 81 Israelites and 180 Palestinians. On Wednesday, 29/11 President Lula mentioned a possible meeting with Israel’s President about searching for the missing Brazilians in the Middle East. 

Regarding the direct and indirect consequences of the conflict, G1 primarily reported on a World Health Organization (WHO) warning about the potential for more casualties due to illnesses than bombings if Gaza's health system is not rapidly restored. WHO representative Margaret Harris highlighted critical shortages in medicines, vaccinations, drinking water, hygiene, and food, emphasizing a concerning increase in infant diarrhea cases. 

The final day of the news analysis coincided with the end of the truce, marking an escalation in coverage of the conflict itself. Israel intercepted a rocket from Hamas, which violated the truce agreement. In response, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared the resumption of the war and reaffirmed Israel’s commitment to achieving their war objectives, including the release of hostages and the elimination of Hamas's movements in the Gaza Strip. 109 Palestinians died on the same day after the resuming of the conflict. 

The G1 news source maintains a dedicated webpage covering the Israel-Hamas conflict, featuring the summary of the latest happenings in bullet points at the top of the page and detailed chronological coverage upon scrolling. The sources most often used and quoted by the website during the period of data collection were political figures like Biden, Putin, and Lula and political figures involved in the war directly for example, Hamas spokesman Osama Hamdan and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. G1 often also used sources from worldwide organizations like Margaret Harris a spokesperson from the World Health Organization. While the initial tone of the coverage appears neutral and objective, upon days of coverage analysis it is possible to observe a pattern of G1 highlighting more often destructive acts done by Hamas, and giving more importance to when Israel releases hostages in comparison to Hamas. These differences appear in the headlines and on how often something is covered versus another, even if the news has a neutral, objective tone, frequency can play a huge role in creating bias. Also, the words terrorism, disaster, and catastrophe were used more often when referring to Hamas attacks. This trend ultimately conveyed an overall sense of pro-Israel sentiment in the news coverage. The evolution of the news source's approach over time raises questions about the challenges of maintaining complete neutrality and objectivity in reporting complex ongoing geopolitical conflicts. 

Post the data collection period, the G1 page dedicated to the Hamas-Israel conflict revealed alterations to previously published news, including the addition of visual assets and the incorporation of events that occurred during the data collection period but were not initially covered. This reveals the journalists' effort to complement the coverage despite not having immediate access to some of the happenings. The added news during subsequent periods addressed less time-sensitive topics bringing other countries’ perspectives and often disapproval of Israel's actions. This suggests an ongoing commitment to refining the narrative to ensure a more comprehensive coverage of the conflict. 

In conclusion, G1 serves as a valuable source for the Brazilian population to get informed about Israel and Hamas. Because the news source has the Brazilian population as its target audience, Brazil’s involvement in the war is extensively covered. While G1 provides a chronological and summarized coverage of the conflict creating a simplified easy-to-follow coverage for the audience it tends to exhibit bias over time by emphasizing the negative aspects of Hamas and the positive aspects of Israel. However, that tendency is countered when less time-sensitive topics are brought to the page dedicated to the conflict, broadening the coverage of topics and positionings about the Israel-Hamas war. G1 is a relevant, reliable news source that provides the latest updates in a fast and quick manner, staying loyal to its own established goals and values. 

Sources 

G1. (2023, December 17). Mundo. https://g1.globo.com/mundo/ao-vivo/guerra-hamas-israel.ghtml 

Memoria Globo. (2022, February 28). O Globo. https://memoriaglobo.globo.com/produtos-digitais/g1/noticia/conteudo.ghtml 

United Nations. (2023, December 6). Israel-Gaza Crisis. https://www.un.org/en/situation-in-occupied-palestine-and-israel 

Viera, B. (2015, January 22). Comscore. https://www.comscore.com/Insights/Press-Releases/2015/1/comScore-Digital-Analytix-Selected-by-Globocom-as-Analytics-Solution 

World Health Organization. (2023, December 4). Conflict in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. https://www.who.int/emergencies/situations/conflict-in-Israel-and-oPt 

The Carbon Underground (TCU) is a non-profit organization established in 2013 with the set goal of not only halting the global effects of climate change but reversing it entirely. Carbon Underground does this by focusing on promoting healthy soil and the use of regenerative agriculture which is defined as, “farming and grazing practices that, among other benefits, reverse climate change by rebuilding soil organic matter and restoring degraded soil biodiversity—resulting in both carbon drawdown and improving the water cycle,” (The Carbon Underground, 2017). This is done by utilizing a method of capturing carbon called carbon sequestration, the process of capturing and storing atmospheric carbon dioxide to reduce green house gases. Because this is their goal, TCU goes about promoting the use of these agricultural practices and raising awareness about the critical role soil plays in redirecting climate change. The message the board members want to convey is one of positivity, but urgence. They want to assure the world’s population that we have the means to save the planet, but only if we act now, specifically through the use of regenerative agriculture. This is made apparent on their website by the sliding banner that greets you when you first enter, showing you a plethora of research and promotional material for their method. This is further compounded on the “About Us” page where their “Theory of Change” is listed. It displaces their two core beliefs; the first stating that there is no solution to climate change without drawing carbon emissions from the atmosphere, and the second saying that the only way to bring down an adequate amount of those emissions is through the restoration of our soil by changing our farming practices from industrial agriculture to regenerative agriculture. Because of the momentous task Carbon Underground has in front of them, they have decided to home in on  5 key initiatives to facilitate the transition necessary.  

The 5 key initiatives are the Soil Carbon Initiative (SCI), Regenerating Thailand, Adopt-A-Meter—A People Powered Program, COVID-19 Food Box Program, and Moving the Movement. The SCI was created to be an affordable and easy way for companies to measure the regenerative process and soil health. It was launched by Carbon Underground in collaboration with many notable businesses such as General Mills and even Ben & Jerry’s. Regenerating Thailand is a joint operation with The Carbon Underground and a representative of Just Foods, an international food delivery company, to receive their food supply from Thailand, in return helping transition their industrial agriculture into a regenerative one. Adopt-A-Meter was created after a United Nations report stated that over 2 billion people were concerned about climate change but felt distraught because they didn’t know how to help (How Carbon Farming Could Halt Climate Change, 2017). This program allows for people across the world to buy a square-foot meter of degraded soil for $5. This money is then sent as funds to farmers to help them transition to more regenerative practices. The COVID-19 Food Box Program is a program launched at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. TCU partnered with a myriad of food product companies to distribute millions of pounds of boxed food to those in need during the pandemic. These products were sourced from regenerative farms, ranches, and fisherman. Lastly, the Moving The Movement initiative was created to spread the message TCU is trying to convey. They partnered with the Rodale Institute, a non-profit organization that supports research in organic farming, to revise their message to truly stress the importance of regenerative agriculture in their paper “White Paper on Soil” (White Paper on Soil, 2020). All 5 of these initiatives are currently active and continuing to grow.  

The media around The Carbon Underground is numerous. TCU has a variety of articles linked in their communication’s page listing the work they have done. All of these articles paint The Carbon Underground in a positive light, covering the numerous organizations and businesses they have sponsored, the boards they have sat on, and more. In the 2017 Capital Hill Soil/Climate Briefing organizers of the event put together a statement discussing the benefits TCU had brought about in the advancement of climate change technology (Capital Hill Soil/Climate Briefing, 2017). TCU was not only one of the organizers, but also a co-sponsor of the briefing. Before then in 2016, in the press release “FACT SHEET: The Obama Administration Announces New Steps to Advance Soil Sustainability” The Carbon Underground was praised for the work they did with Patagonia, as stated here:  

“[W]ork to restore soil health to 4 million acres of degraded agricultural land to ensure regenerative harvesting of organic cotton that also draws carbon down from the atmosphere to help reverse climate change. This effort will supplement their existing efforts regarding soil and climate change, including research on the Great Plains to demonstrate the impact of bison management on carbon drawdown, the production of educational materials on the relation between soil health and climate change, and the development of foods made from ingredients grown with regenerative agricultural practices.” 

Although TCU has amassed many articles in the public light, their social media presence is sparse. A link to their Instagram appears with a google search but redirects to a deactivated page. They do however have a Facebook page with plenty of posts dating back to at least 2020, but all activity has seemed to stop after Thanksgiving Day, November 2022. Given the posts available though, The Carbon Underground primarily promotes their programs, like the June 2, 2022 post that gives a quick blurb about the benefits of regenerative agriculture and links the donation page. When the initiatives are not being promoted, the Facebook page is actively engaging with its followers by sharing new facts and tidbits about carbon sequestration, the different types of regenerative agriculture, and the businesses they have partnered with to bring about change. In their June 6, 2022 post, they describe one type of regenerative practice called agroforestry. They explain what it is, its affects, and how to help (The Carbon Underground, Facebook). TCU even interacts with their followers in the comment section, often championing what they say. Often times they will leave a comment of their follower’s name and a heart. This gives the impression that The Carbon Underground values the thoughts and viewpoints of their followers and are grateful for their support. When going to Twitter, it is apparent that TCU is in the same predicament as their Facebook page, stopping all activity after November 25^th, 2022. TCU carries themselves in a similar way however, responding to follower comments and posting factoids and promotions. 

When describing The Carbon Underground, the theory that would best fit it is modernization for development communication. This is because modernization is best defined as trying to make more “traditional” cultures become more “modern” by adopting more western attributes. On top of this, development communication is the idea of using various forms of media to spread these beliefs, slowly changing other cultures beliefs to become more accepting of new ideas (Flew, pg. 5). You could argue that this is exactly what The Carbon Underground is doing. TCU is based out of the United States of America, specifically California. This means that it has origins in the west. Along with this, the process of regenerative agriculture was first cultivated—as well as the term being first coined—by an American named Robert Rodale, the president and chief executive officer of Rodale, Inc. (Regenerative Organic Agriculture, Rodale Institute). This means that regenerative agriculture itself is a western creation. Furthermore, although The Carbon Underground does do work in the west, one of their key initiatives—the 5 programs they focus on the most—is to bring forth the adoption of regenerative farming practices to Thailand, specifically, an eastern nation that has used the traditional industrial method. For these reasons, modernization for development communication is the most suitable theory. 

This essay was written in order to explore the non-profit climate change prevention organization The Carbon Underground; what it is, why it exists, and how it carries out its mission. Their main mission is to spread a new western method of containing carbon through soil called regenerative agriculture, specifically through the process of carbon sequestration. TCU does this by focusing their resources on 5 key initiatives used to address this in various forms (Soil Carbon Initiative (SCI), Regenerating Thailand, Adopt-A-Meter—A People Powered Program, COVID-19 Food Box Program, and Moving the Movement). These variables were then compared to its media presence, and an analysis was conducted to see which theory of media best suited said media presence. Because TCU is a western creation and focuses resources on eastern nations, modernization for development communication is the most suitable theory.  

While working on this paper, I realized the value of non-profit organizations like The Carbon Underground. Seeing the shear amount of manpower that went into this operation is amazing. I also really enjoyed learning about the innovative ways we have come up with to combat climate change. Regenerative agriculture is really interesting, and I hope The Carbon Underground is able to successfully bring it into the mainstream. Researching this organization also made me see just how crucial the role of media was in spreading an organization’s message. On social media they were very active in engaging with their followers. That then made me wonder why they suddenly stopped after Thanksgiving last year, however I was unable to find any solid findings one way or the other. Unfortunately, no jobs were listed on their website, but overall, I really enjoyed researching this organization and learning more about its effect on the farming world.  

Sources

Flew. T. (2019). Chapter 2. In Understanding Global Media (Pp. 27-50). London: Red Globe Press. 

The Carbon Underground, 2013 The Carbon Underground: https://thecarbonunderground.org/ (accessed September, 2023) 

The Rodale Institute, n.d., The Rodale Institute: https://rodaleinstitute.org/ (accessed September, 2023) 

Sayre, Laura, 2017, The Counter: https://thecounter.org/ (accessed September, 2023) 

Introduction - Digital Divide in Myanmar 

Alongside the dramatic shift in Myanmar’s politics, their internet policies have also seen significant changes. Daniel Arnaudo highlights the challenges that the citizens of Myanmar face in this digital divide including media suppression, strict censorship, and the government's strict control over internet access and foreign media. In this chapter, the main points include the political shift in Myanmar, the government's evolving approach to media, and the importance of social media in shaping the digital culture of Myanmar. Through their political shift, Myanmar has opened internet access to its citizens, allowing the consumption of global news while removing previous censorship controls. Although the country has made significant progress, it still faces challenges. Social media has also played a pivotal role, allowing citizens to contribute through self-expression and communicate with other regions. While social media has been significant in its progress, Arnaudo argues the importance of reviewing content for false narratives. This chapter covers the accessibility and legislative improvements Myanmar has made, but also the continual commitment needed to further progress their political and technological advancements. 

Rationale 

At the beginning of this chapter, Arnaudo details the political history of Myanmar and how this history has led to the development of internet accessibility. This transition has created a shift in political power, going from a closed authoritarian system to an active democracy. Understanding the technological shift in Myanmar is important for multiple reasons. Firstly, it underscores the challenges the country faced while navigating its digital divide. Lack of infrastructure, conflict, technological experience,  and information literacy comprehension are ongoing situations citizens are learning to work around. Secondly, and arguably most importantly, it sheds light on the role of digital media in shaping Myanmar’s political discourse and mobilizing citizens. Previously, opposition groups in Myanmar used internet access to spread awareness and gain support from countries around the world. This highlights the significant effects that media access can have on countries that are heavily or overly monitored by their government. Additionally, the chapter emphasizes the importance of ongoing efforts to improve the challenges seen by Myanmar citizens daily. Overall, Arnaudo provides an overview of the previous and ongoing challenges Myanmar faces in building a strong media and political system that will further contribute to a democratic society.  

Historical Development 

Myanmar went through a political transition in the early 2010s, enabling its citizens to access the internet. This adjustment, although propelling the nation forward, introduced unique challenges. This transition was challenging due to the complicated challenges of incorporating the internet into society while actively transitioning into a democracy. Despite these challenges, Myanmar has made progress in developing its digital media access, and the transition into a democracy has created more opportunities for the Myanmar government and citizens.  

As previously mentioned, Myanmar’s media was completely controlled by the military and government until the political transition in the early 2010s. With the removal of internet controls and censorship, the media landscape became independent and broader for citizens. The development of the internet in Myanmar created a public networking system, no longer dictated by the military. In the past, citizens could only consume media, both foreign and local, if permitted by an approved source through the government. Overall, the opening of the internet is a large step towards democratization and the creation of a freer, more open society for Myanmar. 

Myanmar still faces large problems with infrastructure and giving the entire country accessible internet. Arnaudo writes about the broadband usage and pricing of internet within the country, stating that less than 2% of people in Myanmar could use broadband and the average cost was too high for most citizens. Another issue within Myanmar is the lack of technological education. While most people know how to read or write, people don’t know how to operate computers, access the internet, or use online tools to find factual information. This tends to be a larger issue in rural areas of Myanmar, where access to the internet and information about the internet is extremely limited.  

As discussed by Arnaudo, social media has become detrimental to the people of Myanmar. It’s the main form of communicating, searching for information, advertising, and consuming media. Social media has played a large part in shaping how people think and what they talk about in Myanmar. This has had both positive and negative impacts on society. On one hand, it allowed citizens to openly communicate with one another, gather for social or political movements, and absorb information. On the other hand, it's incredibly easy to spread false information for anyone to see.  

Foreign companies have been asked to invest in Myanmar, a previously impossible task due to military dictation. This has allowed Myanmar to progress as a society but raises concerns among citizens who are worried about giving foreign investors too much power over the internet or what media they consume. Advancement is not only dependent on a new internet system but also a strong commitment to the democratic process. Government officials, citizens, and foreign companies currently lack the education and access to the internet to make intricate plans work. With more education and training, the people of Myanmar will be able to confidently access the internet and media to advance their democracy. 

Conclusion 

Arnaudo concludes that Myanmar is experiencing a media revolution which has led to a transformation from an authoritarian to a democratic society. Despite the significant progress made, Myanmar still faces challenges in closing its digital divide. Social media has completely altered the way people share and absorb media, allowing for a more independent society. Overall, Myanmar has made substantial progress but still needs proper education and training for its citizens to confidently and accurately use the internet as a tool of progression. The transition from censored and controlled media to freedom of expression and internet usage has completely changed the lives of the citizens of Myanmar.  

Introduction - Internet Blackouts in Meghalaya 

In this article, Passar discusses the internet shutdowns in Meghalaya, highlighting the larger issues of digital connectivity and infrastructure in the country. The study emphasizes the need for research on the impacts of internet accessibility on cultures, and practices within communities and globally. Passar examines how the Indian government has utilized internet shutdowns as a weapon during social, religious, economic ethnic, and political tensions, quickly stopping any unwanted media about the conflict. These blackouts marginalize already oppressed groups by stifling their voices and experiences. Passar also argues the use of internet blackouts is unethical, unequal power dynamic between citizens and state, and should not be considered a legitimate tactic in a democracy. Passar employed a digital investigation, studying the link between social media and the blackouts in Meghalaya between 2018 and 2019. By using various methods, including interviews and observation, he aimed to understand the impacts of the blackouts on the citizens of Meghalaya. He analyzed social media content and different government interferences related to the blackouts. 

Literature Review 

The main concept of this article revolves around internet blackouts. Blackouts or shutdowns take place when the government intentionally pauses or shuts off the internet to prevent information about conflicts from entering or leaving a community. The shutoffs can vary in severity from slower internet speed to complete loss of access. These blackouts are a global issue, but India currently leads the world in blackouts with a total of 538 shutdowns. These blackouts not only impede fundamental human rights of self-expression but also disconnect humanity from life-altering services like healthcare, education, and businesses. The persistent use of internet blackouts in India has raised concerns globally about the balance of national security and human rights interests.  

Another supporting concept is social media and the spread of false narratives. Passar gives a detailed analysis of the role of social media in spreading misinformation, disinformation, hate speech, propaganda, and fabricated news. Due to the fabricated misinformation spread on social media, traditional news sources have lost the trust of their viewers. The study aims to examine how social media influences the dissemination of information during these internet blackouts in Meghalaya, showcasing the intricate relationship between online communication, the sharing of misinformation, and threats that come with restricted internet access. The goal of this study is to provide policymakers, organizations, and outside sources with information that can help form strategies to mitigate the repercussions of social media-driven misinformation during times of shutdowns. 

Passar emphasizes digital ethnography as an effective tool for accurately studying online communities. The approach uses online and offline techniques like interviews, content analysis, observation, and data research. Digital ethnography helps us to understand the natural interactions that take place within online communities and social media interactions. Passar argues this practice showcases the relationship between technology, culture, and society. This method can help uncover the influences social media has on culture and identity expression. The use of digital ethnography in this particular instance helped reveal the challenges and opportunities that come with relying on social media in a time of digital censorship.  

The Study 

Passar used a mixed-method approach, utilizing both primary and secondary data. His study involved engaging with 118 Khasi participants, ages ranging from 18-60 years old, from multiple regions across Meghalaya. Using digital ethnography, Passar conducted interviews asking about experiences with blackouts, online censorship, and social media. At the same time, researchers entered 3 Khasi-centric Facebook groups, recording social media interactions and media censorship during blackout times. In addition to the primary research conducted, Passar utilized multiple secondary data sources. This analysis comprised of in-depth media reviews and a thorough review of social media content analysis. By incorporating multiple research tools, Passar was able to gather more information, thus creating a broader spectrum of data revealing underlying patterns and themes relating to the internet shutdowns. This strategic collection of data gave a detailed exploration of the delicate yet important role social media plays in the spread of information, both true and false. Social media allows for a fostered community of mobilization, allowing communication on all fronts. Passar’s research helps educate and shine a light on the importance of social media during these times, but also the challenges that come with digital censorship.  

Findings and Conclusion 

Passar’s analysis uncovered the vital role of social media in the spread of information, especially in times of blackout in Meghayala. Passar determined that social media is one of the most important tools to share news, viewpoints, information, and calls to action. His study contributed to the evidence of social media contributing to the spread of misinformation, hate speech, propaganda, and fake news during times of crisis, like internet blackouts. The article emphasizes the delicate connections between society, community, and technology. Passar’s study underscores the challenges and opportunities that come with utilizing social media in any sense, particularly within the confines of digital censorship. This emphasizes the need for media literacy and education to help teach and inform about the right and wrong ways to use social media platforms. 

Overall, this study helps individuals understand the significance of understanding the cultural and social structures in which social media operates. It also highlights the importance of informing and teaching groups, especially the oppressed, how to utilize social media in a way that helps reduce the amount of misinformation and use their voices for the greater good. Continuous research and dialogue are needed to analyze the influence all media has on society and understand the challenges and opportunities that come with it.  

Citations 

Arnaudo, D. (2020, August 24). Arnaudo chapter, Digital divide in Myanmar. University of Michigan Press. 

Passar, A. L. (2021, October 1). MCS Meghalaya article. Crosscurent.  

Introduction to El País 

El País is a daily newspaper headquartered in Madrid. Though it is a Spanish paper, it captions itself as ‘El Periodico Global’ (translated to ‘the global newspaper’). The paper’s self-identification as being ‘global’ is established by the fact that it does not solely run articles regarding or based out of Spain. It aims to serve other Spanish-speaking countries as well. The online version of the paper allows the user to select curated coverage based out of the more predominant Latin American countries of Mexico, Colombia, Chile, and Argentina. There is also an option to receive USA-based coverage. In this way, although it is clear El País is primarily Spanish-focused, it can appeal to a broader global readership. Interestingly, El País also offers two additional languages on its web version. It provides an English language option, and also an option for speakers of Catalan, presumably to appeal to readers in the Barcelona area and other cities in Catalonia (El País, Home). 

The newspaper was founded on May 4, 1976- very shortly after the death of the former Spanish dictator Francisco Franco. Thus, it comes as no surprise that one of the founding missions of El País was to promote ideals of democracy. The newspaper enjoyed an enthusiastic reception from its beginning (Britannica). Currently, the paper’s political leanings are described as center-left, and it is now described as one of the most internationally recognized papers to come out of Spain (EuroTopics). Today, the paper is under the ownership of PRISA, an enormous media conglomerate also headquartered in Madrid, and undoubtedly a giant in the Spanish-speaking world. According to the PRISA website, its primary focuses are news, education, and entertainment. The wide variety of article subjects offered by El País fit that mold. PRISA also emphasizes that they seek to be innovative and embrace the digital world- another aspect that is demonstrated on the El País website. (PRISA, About Us). PRISA’s website states that El País receives over 75 million readers monthly and that over 400 journalists keep each country’s edition of the newspaper constantly updated. Today, El País has not only branched out into social media (with a presence on nearly every major platform), but also offers supplementary magazines and other materials that aim to target readers’ specific interests, in areas of business, fashion, travel, literature, and more. (PRISA, El País) 

Coverage of Israel/Hamas 

Keeping true to its aim to provide consistent coverage, El País published over two dozen stories relating to the Gaza-based conflict of the Israel/Hamas war over the five-day span of November 27th-December 1st, 2023. Within 15 of these analyzed stories, four specific topics  

emerged. The first topic concerns the unjust treatment of Palestinians not directly involved with the war/Hamas. The November 30th article “The Gaza war also rocks Israel’s Palestinian prisoners: ‘At every count I wanted to die’” details how since the incitement of the war on October 7th, ethnically Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli prisons have been subject to unprovoked abuses. “Israel arrests and expels Gazan patients seeking treatment in the West Bank” (November 27th) tells of Palestinian patients being denied and even punished while seeking treatment. “Anger and grief in Jenin over deaths of two Palestinian children caught on security footage” (December 1st) describes the tragic details of the murder of two young Palestinian boys at the hands of the Israeli army. 

The second topic in question regards the reaction of the United States and the rest of the Western world to the war and the effort that they are making to influence it. The article “The West’s perceived double standards in Gaza widen the gap with the Global South” from November 29th describes perceived hypocrisies in how the United States government and other UN countries have responded to the war in Gaza- the reaction has arguably not been as emphatic as it was in the Europe-based war in Ukraine. There seems to be a real focus on the concern that the current reactions to the war will hurt general relations between the Global South and the West; this issue is delved into thoroughly in the November 29th article “The West’s perceived double standards in Gaza widen the gap with the Global South.” The article contextualizes the concern with the fear that the United States may unintentionally cede its influence to China. This idea is explored more in the article “China presents UN with vague Mideast peace plan as US promotes its own role in easing the Gaza war”, which further promotes the idea that China is seeking to overtake the U.S. in influence in the war and the contested Israel/Palestine area at heart of the war. 

A third topic examines the ongoing attempts for a prolonged truce and the demands for hostage releases that both sides have given for such a truce to be maintained. Both Israel and Hamas are continuing to use unrelenting violence as an end to their means, and each is extremely unwilling to concede to the other. The articles “War in Gaza resumes as ceasefire between Israel and Hamas expires” (from December 1st), and “Israel intensifies its attacks in the West Bank as it negotiates a new extension of the Gaza truce” (from November 29th) emphasize how rapidly both sides are to resume violence, and the unwillingness of either side to risk giving the impression that they have yielded to the other. The article “The Devil’s Loop” (November 30th) specifically highlights the idea that the Israelis view the idea of giving up Palestine as a show of weakness. 

A fourth topic calls into question the impact that the war is having in areas around the world, as racially fueled attacks (seemingly instigated by the conflict) are on the rise globally. The November 26th article “With antisemitism rising as the Israel-Hamas war rages, Europe’s Jews worry” emphasizes the fear that is being felt by Israeli nationals and other Jewish people around the world as people take their frustrations with the Gaza conflict out on them. “Police  

arrest suspect in the shooting of 3 men of Palestinian descent near the University of Vermont” touches on the same idea, but with the roles reversed. 

Analysis of the Coverage 

Throughout the stories examined, there seemed to be an underlying bias in favor of the Palestinian people. El País defends and even promotes the idea of a good, innocent Palestinian people whose only crime is the desire to reclaim their homeland as their own. In articles that detail the suffering of the Palestinians in the context of the war, the authors take care to use their words to paint pictures in ways that make the harsh reality of the happenings in Gaza come alive to the reader. Sources cited are often locals who have witnessed tragedy in their own backyard, or else, actual victims themselves. There seems to be a real attempt here to humanize the Palestinians and to separate those who are victims from the terrorist organization that claims the Palestinian agenda in their violent attacks. However, the articles in El País are careful to walk a fine line; that is, they do not stray away from acknowledging that these good people may be in support of a terrorist organization- and understandably so, since Hamas is bringing the idea of a free Palestine to the global forefront. In seeking to defend the Palestinian people, El País must not ignore, but explain the thoughts and actions of the Palestinian people in their defense of Hamas. 

In that regard, there is also special attention drawn to the idea that Israel has been completely uncooperative toward the idea of a free Palestine, and that the United States (and other Western countries as well) risk further isolating themselves from the Global South should they continue to not outwardly and emphatically support the necessity for the coexistence of two separate states. The juxtapositions of the actions and statements of the United States with those of China, when taken into consideration the idea that El País seems to generally be in support of the Palestinian people, create the angle that El País (and perhaps the Spanish populace it represents in general) are starting to disagree with the foreign policy of the U.S. and question its effectiveness. This is not to say that El País is endorsing China- in fact, criticism of the manipulative and vague attempts at foreign policy by the Chinese are continuously referenced. However, El País does not shy away from acknowledging and seemingly disapproving of the perceived missteps of the United States as they seek to lead the rest of the Western world in the development and maintenance of relationships with the Global South.  

Though El País does not commend the actions of either side and acknowledges the wrongs that both continue to commit in their mutual use of unrelenting violence, the paper generally seems to believe that the majority of the blame lies with Israel and those who indulge the arguments made for the maintenance of their iron grip over Palestine. When El País discusses Israel’s stubbornness and refusal to make concessions, the voice of criticism is palpable. Even in articles in which ideas of anti-Semitism are acknowledged (often in tandem with reporting a government’s support of Israel), El País still seems to reserve its harshest criticisms for the Israeli government for being the conflict’s root cause. The underlying opinion  

seems to be that it is Israel who should face the brunt of the condemnation for refusing to make concessions and thus allowing the war to continue. 

Conclusion 

A general assumption could be made from the start that as a center-left leaning newspaper, born out of the desire to free its country of the ideals of its former dictatorship, El País likely would not support the far-right nation of Israel in its prolonged attempts to maintain control of a people-group who wish to separate themselves. On the whole, it seems that this assumption is correct, as the articles from El País regarding the ongoing Israel/Hamas war urge sympathies toward the Palestinian people, and the promotion of their desire for a free state, while consistently inviting criticism toward the nation of Israel, and implying that the majority of the blame for the current conflict should be on the Israeli government. 

This assignment has demonstrated to me the importance of understanding bias in the context of different news sources. For example, had I not understood that El País was born out of the end of the Franco dictatorship, much of the underlying bias against authoritarian governments would have been lost on me. Once I understood this context from which the paper was born, I could recognize the bias in virtually every article about the conflict. Knowing the background of my media source allows me to be aware of potential biases, rather than just allow them to be fed to me. Thus, I can better dissect the facts. 

Sources

Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia (2023, December 8). El País. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/El-Pais-Spanish-newspaper 

El País. eurotopics.net. (n.d.). https://www.eurotopics.net/en/148524/el-pais  

El País: El Periódico Global. El País. (n.d.). https://elpais.com/?ed=es  

PRISA. (n.d.). https://www.prisa.com/en/info/prisa-a-global-group